Abu Tammam and Al-Buhturi: Revisiting Their Relationship and Role in Modern Arabic Poetry
There are a few, if at all, cultural accomplishments of any people, accompanied by such a revered and distinct feeling of their own intrinsic value as the poetic literary heritage of the Arabs. Traditionally, Arab writers often characterized civilizations and peoples by their oral skills. Poetry and poetic achievements are always mentioned by the Arabs as their highest form of art and their own most personal characteristic and one that distinguishes them from all other nations that they came in contact with. This evaluation is corroborated by the extraordinary influence exerted by Arabic poetry in both form and content, on all the poetic literatures which rubbed shoulder with them: Persian, Turkish, etc. Even on the literature of the West, Arabic poetry left its marks on the early beginnings of the Romance Languages via al-Andalus and immediately after the fall of Baghdad in 1258 and of Constantinople in 1453.
The early Muslim critics, who were mainly philologists by training, adhered to the principle that poetry in Pre-Islamic times had reached a perfection which no modern bard could hope to emulate and which only the bygone ideals of chivalry could inspire. In other words, to have been born after Islam, was in itself a sign of poetic inferiority.
Innovation being condemned from the outset, the poets who most wanted the approval of this self- proclaimed Academy – of grammarians – were obliged to spend their time and talents in producing complex imitations of the ancient masterpieces, mainly al-Mu’allaqat: The Suspended Odes, and to amuse courtiers with borrowed images of Bedouin life in which neither they, nor their audience, had the slightest interest.
Nevertheless, the unavoidable result in favor of the new poetry and contemporary literature in general, was hastened by various circumstances which combined to dethrone the established prevalent theory that al-Jahiliya ( Arabian heathendom) and the characteristic pagan virtues: honor, courage and liberality, were alone capable of producing and advancing poetical genius. Among the most prominent forces pulling in this direction, we can list:
1 – The pietistic and theological spirit promoted by the ‘Abbasid Government.
2 – The unmistakable influence of foreign cultures, pre- eminently Persian.
3 – The aggressive movement of translation, especially from Greek, and the establishment of Beit al-Hikma, the celebrated library of Baghdad.
The process of transformation was aided by other factors that were brought about by the infusion of Persian and Hellenistic cultures. For example, the growing importance of Islam in public life and the diffusion of a strong religious spirit among the community at large, a spirit which attained its most perfect expression in the reflective and didactic poetry of abu’l ‘Atahiya. Every change in the socio-political and intellectual climate at the time was depicted in the brilliant pages of those modern poets where the reader may find, according to his mood, expectations and taste, the maddest gaiety and the most shameful frivolity, strains of lofty meditation mingled with a world- weary pessimism, delicate sentiment, invigorating freedom and unmatched freshness of Bedouin song.
Abu Tammam, Habib bin Aws, was an Arab poet and anthologist. According to his son Tammam, he was born in the year 188 / 804, but according to an account deriving from him, he was born in 190 / 806 in the town of Djasim, between Damascus and Tiberias. Based on his son’s account, the poet died in 231 / 845. While according to other sources, the year of his death was 232 / 846. Abu Tammam’s father was a Christian named Thadhus or Theodosius who kept a wine shop in Damascus. The son altered the name of his father to Aws, and invented for himself a lineage connecting him with the tribe of Tayyi’. He was obviously mocked on the pretension of this false pedigree in satirical verses. Later on, however, this invented family tree appears to have found acceptance and Abu Tammam is therefore frequently referred to as “the Tayyite”, or “the great Tayyite poet”. The oldest and most reliable source of the poet’s life is perhaps “Akhbar Abi Tammam” by Abu Bakr as- Suli, (died 335 / 946), who shared the poet’s aesthetic views on poetry. According to as-Suli, the poet must have died one year after the ninth ‘Abbasid Caliph, al-Wathiq.
Abu Tammam spent his youth as a weaver’s assistance in Damascus. Subsequently, he went to Egypt where, at first, he earned his living by selling water in the grand Mosque of ‘Amru b nil ‘Aas. While there, he also found an opportunity to study Arabic poetry and its rules. In Egypt, he composed poems reflecting the political climate of his times. However, his stay in Egypt did not last long, shortly afterwards, he returned to Syria.
Perhaps it will be beneficial at this point to interrupt the biography and present a short description of the state of the Caliphate during the poet’s times. The ruler was al-Ma’mun, 198 / 218 – 813 / 833. Intense quarrels between al-Ma’mun and his brother al-Amin, 193 / 198 – 809 / 813 regarding the succession to the throne had resulted in violent civil wars. In the east, the Khurramites rose under their leader Babek, while in Egypt, there was a revolt. Wars against the Byzantines, which had lapsed since the reign of al-Rashid, were resumed. Al-Ma’mun himself led the summer campaign. During this war which lasted from 215 / 830 – 218 / 833, the Caliph often stayed, even if only for a short time, in Damascus and other Syrian towns. Since at that time, success and fame had to be attained with the aid of a patron who was to be found only close to the seat of the government, Abu Tammam made a bold attempt to be introduced to the Caliph from whom he requested an audience. It is not clearly known when such an event took place. However, the poem that the poet composed for the Caliph on this occasion is still in existence and is recorded in the collected works of the poet.
It appears that the encounter occurred after a bitter battle with the Byzantines. It also seems that this was the only meeting that Abu Tammam had with the Caliph al- Ma’mun. The poet, clad in the Bedouin attire beloved by him all his life, was not highly esteemed by the Caliph who reportedly said to him: “Man, you have greatly puzzled me. I assumed you were a Bedouin, but when I consider your themes, they are those of the town dwellers, so you are one of them.” This obviously reduced the status of the poet in the eyes of the Caliph. Perhaps it was during this time that the young poet al-Buhturi came into contact with Abu Tammam in Hims.
This failure in the court of al-Ma’mun in no way discouraged the poet. During the years that followed, he traveled over the eastern districts of the realm. A large number of the poems in his Diwan date back to this period. He praised the governors of a number of provinces, for example, the governor of Armenia and previous chiefs of Baghdad.
Five years had passed since the death of al-Ma’mun before Abu Tammam attempted to obtain an audience with the new Caliph al-Mu’tasim. The poet rose to fame and became generally known under the tutelage of al-Mu’tasim. On the destruction of ‘Ammouriyya, ( Amorium” in the year 223 / 838. The Mu’tazilite chief judge Ahmad bin Abi Duad sent the poet before the caliph in Samarra’. The Caliph recalled the harsh voice of the poet and granted him an audience only after making sure that he had with him a Rawi or a (reciter) with a pleasant voice. Only then, the career of Abu Tammam began to flourish and he became the most celebrated panegyrist of his time. Moreover, al-Mu’tasim’s son and successor, al-Wathiq greatly admired the poet as well.
Subsequently, Abu Tammam traveled extensively but his journey to Nishapur remains the most memorable one. There, the cold weather did not suit the poet and he quickly retraced his steps. He was held up by snow in Hamadhan and he made good use of his time there by compiling, with the aid of the library of Abu’l-Wafa bin Salama the most celebrated of his anthologies “The Hamasa”. Some two years before his death, Hasan bin Wahb found him the post mastership of Mosul. It was there, in Mosul, that the poet died.
Abu Tammam was tall, dark, dressed in Bedouin fashion, spoke extremely pure Arabic having at the same time a most unattractive voice and suffering from a slight impediment of speech. He accordingly, had his poetry recited by a rawi.
Abu Tammam’s poems mostly treat of important historical events such as the conquest of Ammorium, the campaign against Babak and the latter’s execution in 223 / 837, the execution of al-Afshin, the commander of al-Mu’tasim’s armies in 226 / 840, whom he himself had previously eulogized and many other such events.
Even during Abu Tammam’s life time, opinions were divided concerning the aesthetic merit of his poetry. The Shi’ite poet Di’bil who was feared because of his sharp tongue, asserted that one third of Abu –Tammam’s poetry was plagiarized, one third bad and one third good. His pupil al-Buhturi, who held for him the greatest respect, conceited that Abu Tammam’s best verse was better than his own best and that his bad verse was worse than his own bad verse. Long after Abu Tammam’s death, critical evaluations of his poetry continued both, in praise of his works as well as against him. Such criticism also highlighted Abu Tammam’s literary “thefts”.
Abu Tammam was a philanderer, at best, a libertine. His neglect of the performance of religious duties frequently arouse suspicions about his true believes. His poems contain, side by side with brilliant conceits which have established the poet’s fame, much that is unpleasant and strange. He had a desire not only for odd words but also for artificial, frequently tortuous sentence structure that frustrated the most capable of Arabic commentators. In addition, his poetry abounds with symbolism and strange personifications of abstract ideas and oftentimes a barrage of far fetched and unconvincing metaphors that annoy the reader for many verses at a stretch until he finally stumbles on an excellent poetical metaphor.
Abu Tammam’s verse belongs to the new type of poetry that was initiated by Bashar bin Burd. The new poets no longer employed Bedouin forms of expression, or they did so only to a very limited extent. Since then, the new poets turned to a modern poetical delineation, more pointed and direct utterances and a more elegant way of expressing their feelings. They were called “al-Muhdathun”, the moderns, poets who belong to the present day and who derive their imagery from contemporary life. They were critical of the conservative poets, “al- Mutaqaddimun” whom they considered as imitators because they only acknowledged the style of ancient poetry while rejecting every innovation. It is important to stress here that while the modern poets criticized their contemporaries for their imitations of the ancient poets, they did not criticize those ancient poets themselves. There arose a science of this new – style of poetry called “‘Ilm al-Badi’” and Abu Tammam was certainly captivated by this new style and consequently, became one of its best representatives.
Abu Tammam was well acquainted with the highest intellectual standards of his time. Some of his contemporaries have reproached him for using his verses in order to display his sophistication, for example, through the frequent use of philosophical terms (mainly borrowed from Greek philosophy), and unusual expressions. His poetry was almost academic poetry. It required an educated readership and demanded of his reader to be well informed and familiar with the intellectual climate of his days. Once Abu Tammam was asked: “Why don’t you write verses that can be understood”? He answered: “Why can’t you understand what the poetry says”. Consequently, the debate of “Art for art’s sake” is not a new one, and this poet, obviously, was writing for the elite and not for the masses.
During the poet’s life time, the classification of the poetic style in Arabic poetry into the so called Bedouin and Urban was already complete. While Bedouin poets clung to tradition, and both literally and metaphorically, yearned to the desert and desert life, the poets of the towns concerned themselves with a new world and addressed a very different society. The distinguishing features in the milieu, in the tasks and interests of the Bedouins versus those of the towns, resulted in the establishment of poetic forms which dramatically differed in both thought and style as well as in content and expression.
Contrary to what Abu Tammam represented, al-Buhturi will stand for the traditional stream in classical Arabic literature. Abu ‘Ubada al-Walid bin ‘Ubayd Allah, an Arab poet and anthologist of the 3rd / 9th century, 206 / 284 – 821 / 897 was born in Manbidj in Syria into a family belonging to Buhtur a branch of Tayy’. Not only did he never completely sever his connections with his native town where the fortune collected during his long career as court poet afforded him to acquire property, but he also exploited his tribal origin to establish useful connections and further promote his career.
After dedicating his early poetic productions to the praise of his tribe, he sought a patron and found him in the person of the Ta’i General Abu Sa’id Yusuf bin Muhammad, known as al- Thaghri, at whose court he met, for the first time, the poet Abu Tammam who, as we have already mentioned, also claimed to be a Ta’i. Abu Tammam, attracted by al-Buhturi’s youthful talent, apparently recommended him at first as a promising panegyrist to the notables of Ma’arrat al-Nu’man who permitted him an allowance of 4,000 Dirhams. Al-Buhturi, moreover, did not hesitate to join Abu-Tammam in the entourage of his patron Malik bin Tawq, Governor of Mesopotamia, and in following him to Baghdad where he availed himself of the opportunity of attending the sessions of the most celebrated scholars of his time. He also strove to acquire the proper manners of the Capital and prepared himself to eulogize important personages in the hope of getting close to the Caliph himself. However, al-Buhturi scarcely had success with the prominent Vizier and writer Ibn al-Zayyat. He instead allied himself to a family of his own tribe, the Banu Humayd, some members of which were already well established in Baghdad. Consequently, the poet dedicated several odes to their Chief Abu Nahshal. He then left Iraq at the same time as Abu Tammam in 230 / 843 to return to Mosul.
Contrary to all expectations, he does not seem to have grieved at the death of Abu Tammam 231 / 845, from whom, nevertheless, he had received his first encouragement and part of his poetic training. A careful reading of the life of al-Buhturi seems to conclude that, after all, he was an opportunist whose goal was to acquire prestige, wealth and land. Accordingly, he could have used Abu- Tammam to achieve his ultimate objective.
As soon as al-Mutawakkil was enthroned, al-Buhturi hurried back to Baghdad. There, through the help of the first Minister al-Fatih bin Khaqan, the poet was introduced to the Caliph, probably in 234 / 848. Thus, a brilliant career as a court poet was opened for al-Buhturi. In spite of a passing coldness in their relationship caused by inevitable jealousies, the poet enjoyed the constant patronage of al-Fatih to whom he dedicated his anthology Hamasa in addition to a number of other poems. Al-Buhturi also praised numerous great figures of the empire, but it was for the Caliph that he dedicated the greater part of his poetic output. He stayed on familiar and friendly terms with the Caliph enjoying his confidence, supporting governments policies even when they clashed with his own personal views which were characterized with a certain bias towards the Shi’a, and went on to proclaim the virtues and rights of the ‘Abbasids. Moreover, al-Buhturi’s poetry that date back to this period contains many allusions to several political and social events that were dominant at the time. A noteworthy observation here is the particular reference in some poems to a real woman of flesh and blood, ‘Alwa bint Zuraiqa, who lived in Aleppo and also had a house in the countryside. It is almost certain that the poet used to meet her during his journeys in Syria, for his stay in Iraq was never uninterrupted. He had a great passion for her although he once mocked her in a somewhat offensive poem.
After the assassination of both al-Mutawakkil and al-Fatih, the poet thought it prudent to retire to Manbidj. This retreat was short lived for soon afterwards, the poet reappeared in Baghdad with a poem praising the new Caliph al-Muntasir and the vizier Ahmad bin al-Khasib against whom, incidentally, the poet did not hesitate to incite al-Mu’taz sometime later. Once more, al-Buhturi tasted fame under al-Mu’taz to whom he dedicated numerous poems in which we hear echoes of the troubling unrest that were shacking the provinces of the empire. This political uncertainty did not prevent the poet from welcoming the Caliph al-Muhtadi and at the same time, from temporarily proclaiming his own piety to appease the new Caliph. Al-Buhturi’s fame declined under al-Mu’tamid whose policies caused the poet considerable anxiety over his amassed fortune.
At the beginning of his career, the poems that al-Buhturi wrote were almost exclusively reflective of his desert wanderings, but as soon as he became court poet, he adopted the panegyric as the main form of expression. In this style he respected, except perhaps towards the end of his life, the form of the traditional Qasida painting a conventional portrait of his various patrons. However, al-Buhturi’s panegyrics were successfully punctuated by splendid descriptions, particularly of architectural designs and picturesque details that set him apart from the rest of his contemporaries. Later in his career, he devoted an entire poem to describing a palace: “The Iwan of Kisra”. Although the ideas he expounded and the imagery he employed were generally void of originality, nevertheless, his style characterized by simple vocabulary and musical verse remain his great virtue that elevated him above the other court poets with whom he previously had to compete.
He equally excelled in Elegy but scarcely succeeded in satire often addressed to a former or prospective patron who had not fulfilled the poet’s hopes or met his expectations. According to one account, on his deathbed, the poet advised his son to destroy all his satires.
Western critics, who after all, have taken little interest in al-Buhturi, classify him among the neo-Classical poets. For their part, Eastern critics consider him along with Abu- Tammam and al-Mutanabbi, one of the most important poets of the ‘Abbasid era. The comparison between him and his master abu- Tammam is a favorite one and subject for numerous discussions and controversies even while al- Buhturi was alive. In al- Buhturi’s own opinion, his best works were inferior to those of Abu – Tammam, while he thought his own most mediocre poems to be better than the worst of Abu –Tammam.
Al-Buhturi begged ceaselessly and rejected no means of getting money. In this regard he was not unique; he actually had this in common with most of his fellow- poets. It is arguable though that he was excessive to the extent that this greed for gain destroyed his moral character and led him, on many occasions, to color his true feelings and intentions in order to accommodate the fluctuations of the religious policy of his patron the Caliph.
His success as court poet earned him severe jealousy and caused him to have many enemies from among his competitors. Naturally, it also brought him fame and consolidated his strong connections with the most prominent political and intellectual figures of the empire: viziers, governors, generals, courtiers, secretaries and scholars. His contacts also allowed him to become closely acquainted with many current political and social issues which were clearly echoed in his Diwan.
List of selected sources: This article was based on information derived from the following sources:
1 – Nawabigh al-Fikr al-‘Arabi: al-Buhturi: Dr. Ahmad Ahmad Badawi, Dar al-Ma’arif, Cairo. 1964.
2 – al-Ittijahat al-Adabiyya fi’l ‘Asr’l ‘Abbasi: Dr. Sayyed Ahmad Khalil, Dar Maktabat al-Jami’a al-‘Arabiyya. Beirut, N.D.
3 – Abu Tammam al-Tayyi: Hayatuhu wa Hayatu Shi’rihi: Najib Muhammad al – Bayhaqi, Dar al-Fikr, Second Edition, 1970.
4 – Abu Tammam wa Qadiyyt al- Tajdid fi’l Shi’r: Dr. ‘Abdo Badawi, Maktabat al-Shabab, Cairo. N.D.
5 – A Literary History of the Arabs: Reynold A. Nicholson, Cambridge University Press, 1962.
6 – Arabic Poetics in the Golden Age: Vicente Cantarino, Leiden. E. J. Brill. 1975.
7 – Journal of Arabic Literature, Leiden. E. J. Brill. 1971, Vol. II.
8 – Encyclopedia of Islam.
9 – A History of Arabic Literature: Clement Huart, London: Heinemann, 1903.
10 – Orientalism: Edward Said, Pantheon Books, New York, 1st edition, 1978.
There are a few, if at all, cultural accomplishments of any people, accompanied by such a revered and distinct feeling of their own intrinsic value as the poetic literary heritage of the Arabs. Traditionally, Arab writers often characterized civilizations and peoples by their oral skills. Poetry and poetic achievements are always mentioned by the Arabs as their highest form of art and their own most personal characteristic and one that distinguishes them from all other nations that they came in contact with. This evaluation is corroborated by the extraordinary influence exerted by Arabic poetry in both form and content, on all the poetic literatures which rubbed shoulder with them: Persian, Turkish, etc. Even on the literature of the West, Arabic poetry left its marks on the early beginnings of the Romance Languages via al-Andalus and immediately after the fall of Baghdad in 1258 and of Constantinople in 1453.
The early Muslim critics, who were mainly philologists by training, adhered to the principle that poetry in Pre-Islamic times had reached a perfection which no modern bard could hope to emulate and which only the bygone ideals of chivalry could inspire. In other words, to have been born after Islam, was in itself a sign of poetic inferiority.
Innovation being condemned from the outset, the poets who most wanted the approval of this self- proclaimed Academy – of grammarians – were obliged to spend their time and talents in producing complex imitations of the ancient masterpieces, mainly al-Mu’allaqat: The Suspended Odes, and to amuse courtiers with borrowed images of Bedouin life in which neither they, nor their audience, had the slightest interest.
Nevertheless, the unavoidable result in favor of the new poetry and contemporary literature in general, was hastened by various circumstances which combined to dethrone the established prevalent theory that al-Jahiliya ( Arabian heathendom) and the characteristic pagan virtues: honor, courage and liberality, were alone capable of producing and advancing poetical genius. Among the most prominent forces pulling in this direction, we can list:
1 – The pietistic and theological spirit promoted by the ‘Abbasid Government.
2 – The unmistakable influence of foreign cultures, pre- eminently Persian.
3 – The aggressive movement of translation, especially from Greek, and the establishment of Beit al-Hikma, the celebrated library of Baghdad.
The process of transformation was aided by other factors that were brought about by the infusion of Persian and Hellenistic cultures. For example, the growing importance of Islam in public life and the diffusion of a strong religious spirit among the community at large, a spirit which attained its most perfect expression in the reflective and didactic poetry of abu’l ‘Atahiya. Every change in the socio-political and intellectual climate at the time was depicted in the brilliant pages of those modern poets where the reader may find, according to his mood, expectations and taste, the maddest gaiety and the most shameful frivolity, strains of lofty meditation mingled with a world- weary pessimism, delicate sentiment, invigorating freedom and unmatched freshness of Bedouin song.
Abu Tammam, Habib bin Aws, was an Arab poet and anthologist. According to his son Tammam, he was born in the year 188 / 804, but according to an account deriving from him, he was born in 190 / 806 in the town of Djasim, between Damascus and Tiberias. Based on his son’s account, the poet died in 231 / 845. While according to other sources, the year of his death was 232 / 846. Abu Tammam’s father was a Christian named Thadhus or Theodosius who kept a wine shop in Damascus. The son altered the name of his father to Aws, and invented for himself a lineage connecting him with the tribe of Tayyi’. He was obviously mocked on the pretension of this false pedigree in satirical verses. Later on, however, this invented family tree appears to have found acceptance and Abu Tammam is therefore frequently referred to as “the Tayyite”, or “the great Tayyite poet”. The oldest and most reliable source of the poet’s life is perhaps “Akhbar Abi Tammam” by Abu Bakr as- Suli, (died 335 / 946), who shared the poet’s aesthetic views on poetry. According to as-Suli, the poet must have died one year after the ninth ‘Abbasid Caliph, al-Wathiq.
Abu Tammam spent his youth as a weaver’s assistance in Damascus. Subsequently, he went to Egypt where, at first, he earned his living by selling water in the grand Mosque of ‘Amru b nil ‘Aas. While there, he also found an opportunity to study Arabic poetry and its rules. In Egypt, he composed poems reflecting the political climate of his times. However, his stay in Egypt did not last long, shortly afterwards, he returned to Syria.
Perhaps it will be beneficial at this point to interrupt the biography and present a short description of the state of the Caliphate during the poet’s times. The ruler was al-Ma’mun, 198 / 218 – 813 / 833. Intense quarrels between al-Ma’mun and his brother al-Amin, 193 / 198 – 809 / 813 regarding the succession to the throne had resulted in violent civil wars. In the east, the Khurramites rose under their leader Babek, while in Egypt, there was a revolt. Wars against the Byzantines, which had lapsed since the reign of al-Rashid, were resumed. Al-Ma’mun himself led the summer campaign. During this war which lasted from 215 / 830 – 218 / 833, the Caliph often stayed, even if only for a short time, in Damascus and other Syrian towns. Since at that time, success and fame had to be attained with the aid of a patron who was to be found only close to the seat of the government, Abu Tammam made a bold attempt to be introduced to the Caliph from whom he requested an audience. It is not clearly known when such an event took place. However, the poem that the poet composed for the Caliph on this occasion is still in existence and is recorded in the collected works of the poet.
It appears that the encounter occurred after a bitter battle with the Byzantines. It also seems that this was the only meeting that Abu Tammam had with the Caliph al- Ma’mun. The poet, clad in the Bedouin attire beloved by him all his life, was not highly esteemed by the Caliph who reportedly said to him: “Man, you have greatly puzzled me. I assumed you were a Bedouin, but when I consider your themes, they are those of the town dwellers, so you are one of them.” This obviously reduced the status of the poet in the eyes of the Caliph. Perhaps it was during this time that the young poet al-Buhturi came into contact with Abu Tammam in Hims.
This failure in the court of al-Ma’mun in no way discouraged the poet. During the years that followed, he traveled over the eastern districts of the realm. A large number of the poems in his Diwan date back to this period. He praised the governors of a number of provinces, for example, the governor of Armenia and previous chiefs of Baghdad.
Five years had passed since the death of al-Ma’mun before Abu Tammam attempted to obtain an audience with the new Caliph al-Mu’tasim. The poet rose to fame and became generally known under the tutelage of al-Mu’tasim. On the destruction of ‘Ammouriyya, ( Amorium” in the year 223 / 838. The Mu’tazilite chief judge Ahmad bin Abi Duad sent the poet before the caliph in Samarra’. The Caliph recalled the harsh voice of the poet and granted him an audience only after making sure that he had with him a Rawi or a (reciter) with a pleasant voice. Only then, the career of Abu Tammam began to flourish and he became the most celebrated panegyrist of his time. Moreover, al-Mu’tasim’s son and successor, al-Wathiq greatly admired the poet as well.
Subsequently, Abu Tammam traveled extensively but his journey to Nishapur remains the most memorable one. There, the cold weather did not suit the poet and he quickly retraced his steps. He was held up by snow in Hamadhan and he made good use of his time there by compiling, with the aid of the library of Abu’l-Wafa bin Salama the most celebrated of his anthologies “The Hamasa”. Some two years before his death, Hasan bin Wahb found him the post mastership of Mosul. It was there, in Mosul, that the poet died.
Abu Tammam was tall, dark, dressed in Bedouin fashion, spoke extremely pure Arabic having at the same time a most unattractive voice and suffering from a slight impediment of speech. He accordingly, had his poetry recited by a rawi.
Abu Tammam’s poems mostly treat of important historical events such as the conquest of Ammorium, the campaign against Babak and the latter’s execution in 223 / 837, the execution of al-Afshin, the commander of al-Mu’tasim’s armies in 226 / 840, whom he himself had previously eulogized and many other such events.
Even during Abu Tammam’s life time, opinions were divided concerning the aesthetic merit of his poetry. The Shi’ite poet Di’bil who was feared because of his sharp tongue, asserted that one third of Abu –Tammam’s poetry was plagiarized, one third bad and one third good. His pupil al-Buhturi, who held for him the greatest respect, conceited that Abu Tammam’s best verse was better than his own best and that his bad verse was worse than his own bad verse. Long after Abu Tammam’s death, critical evaluations of his poetry continued both, in praise of his works as well as against him. Such criticism also highlighted Abu Tammam’s literary “thefts”.
Abu Tammam was a philanderer, at best, a libertine. His neglect of the performance of religious duties frequently arouse suspicions about his true believes. His poems contain, side by side with brilliant conceits which have established the poet’s fame, much that is unpleasant and strange. He had a desire not only for odd words but also for artificial, frequently tortuous sentence structure that frustrated the most capable of Arabic commentators. In addition, his poetry abounds with symbolism and strange personifications of abstract ideas and oftentimes a barrage of far fetched and unconvincing metaphors that annoy the reader for many verses at a stretch until he finally stumbles on an excellent poetical metaphor.
Abu Tammam’s verse belongs to the new type of poetry that was initiated by Bashar bin Burd. The new poets no longer employed Bedouin forms of expression, or they did so only to a very limited extent. Since then, the new poets turned to a modern poetical delineation, more pointed and direct utterances and a more elegant way of expressing their feelings. They were called “al-Muhdathun”, the moderns, poets who belong to the present day and who derive their imagery from contemporary life. They were critical of the conservative poets, “al- Mutaqaddimun” whom they considered as imitators because they only acknowledged the style of ancient poetry while rejecting every innovation. It is important to stress here that while the modern poets criticized their contemporaries for their imitations of the ancient poets, they did not criticize those ancient poets themselves. There arose a science of this new – style of poetry called “‘Ilm al-Badi’” and Abu Tammam was certainly captivated by this new style and consequently, became one of its best representatives.
Abu Tammam was well acquainted with the highest intellectual standards of his time. Some of his contemporaries have reproached him for using his verses in order to display his sophistication, for example, through the frequent use of philosophical terms (mainly borrowed from Greek philosophy), and unusual expressions. His poetry was almost academic poetry. It required an educated readership and demanded of his reader to be well informed and familiar with the intellectual climate of his days. Once Abu Tammam was asked: “Why don’t you write verses that can be understood”? He answered: “Why can’t you understand what the poetry says”. Consequently, the debate of “Art for art’s sake” is not a new one, and this poet, obviously, was writing for the elite and not for the masses.
During the poet’s life time, the classification of the poetic style in Arabic poetry into the so called Bedouin and Urban was already complete. While Bedouin poets clung to tradition, and both literally and metaphorically, yearned to the desert and desert life, the poets of the towns concerned themselves with a new world and addressed a very different society. The distinguishing features in the milieu, in the tasks and interests of the Bedouins versus those of the towns, resulted in the establishment of poetic forms which dramatically differed in both thought and style as well as in content and expression.
Contrary to what Abu Tammam represented, al-Buhturi will stand for the traditional stream in classical Arabic literature. Abu ‘Ubada al-Walid bin ‘Ubayd Allah, an Arab poet and anthologist of the 3rd / 9th century, 206 / 284 – 821 / 897 was born in Manbidj in Syria into a family belonging to Buhtur a branch of Tayy’. Not only did he never completely sever his connections with his native town where the fortune collected during his long career as court poet afforded him to acquire property, but he also exploited his tribal origin to establish useful connections and further promote his career.
After dedicating his early poetic productions to the praise of his tribe, he sought a patron and found him in the person of the Ta’i General Abu Sa’id Yusuf bin Muhammad, known as al- Thaghri, at whose court he met, for the first time, the poet Abu Tammam who, as we have already mentioned, also claimed to be a Ta’i. Abu Tammam, attracted by al-Buhturi’s youthful talent, apparently recommended him at first as a promising panegyrist to the notables of Ma’arrat al-Nu’man who permitted him an allowance of 4,000 Dirhams. Al-Buhturi, moreover, did not hesitate to join Abu-Tammam in the entourage of his patron Malik bin Tawq, Governor of Mesopotamia, and in following him to Baghdad where he availed himself of the opportunity of attending the sessions of the most celebrated scholars of his time. He also strove to acquire the proper manners of the Capital and prepared himself to eulogize important personages in the hope of getting close to the Caliph himself. However, al-Buhturi scarcely had success with the prominent Vizier and writer Ibn al-Zayyat. He instead allied himself to a family of his own tribe, the Banu Humayd, some members of which were already well established in Baghdad. Consequently, the poet dedicated several odes to their Chief Abu Nahshal. He then left Iraq at the same time as Abu Tammam in 230 / 843 to return to Mosul.
Contrary to all expectations, he does not seem to have grieved at the death of Abu Tammam 231 / 845, from whom, nevertheless, he had received his first encouragement and part of his poetic training. A careful reading of the life of al-Buhturi seems to conclude that, after all, he was an opportunist whose goal was to acquire prestige, wealth and land. Accordingly, he could have used Abu- Tammam to achieve his ultimate objective.
As soon as al-Mutawakkil was enthroned, al-Buhturi hurried back to Baghdad. There, through the help of the first Minister al-Fatih bin Khaqan, the poet was introduced to the Caliph, probably in 234 / 848. Thus, a brilliant career as a court poet was opened for al-Buhturi. In spite of a passing coldness in their relationship caused by inevitable jealousies, the poet enjoyed the constant patronage of al-Fatih to whom he dedicated his anthology Hamasa in addition to a number of other poems. Al-Buhturi also praised numerous great figures of the empire, but it was for the Caliph that he dedicated the greater part of his poetic output. He stayed on familiar and friendly terms with the Caliph enjoying his confidence, supporting governments policies even when they clashed with his own personal views which were characterized with a certain bias towards the Shi’a, and went on to proclaim the virtues and rights of the ‘Abbasids. Moreover, al-Buhturi’s poetry that date back to this period contains many allusions to several political and social events that were dominant at the time. A noteworthy observation here is the particular reference in some poems to a real woman of flesh and blood, ‘Alwa bint Zuraiqa, who lived in Aleppo and also had a house in the countryside. It is almost certain that the poet used to meet her during his journeys in Syria, for his stay in Iraq was never uninterrupted. He had a great passion for her although he once mocked her in a somewhat offensive poem.
After the assassination of both al-Mutawakkil and al-Fatih, the poet thought it prudent to retire to Manbidj. This retreat was short lived for soon afterwards, the poet reappeared in Baghdad with a poem praising the new Caliph al-Muntasir and the vizier Ahmad bin al-Khasib against whom, incidentally, the poet did not hesitate to incite al-Mu’taz sometime later. Once more, al-Buhturi tasted fame under al-Mu’taz to whom he dedicated numerous poems in which we hear echoes of the troubling unrest that were shacking the provinces of the empire. This political uncertainty did not prevent the poet from welcoming the Caliph al-Muhtadi and at the same time, from temporarily proclaiming his own piety to appease the new Caliph. Al-Buhturi’s fame declined under al-Mu’tamid whose policies caused the poet considerable anxiety over his amassed fortune.
At the beginning of his career, the poems that al-Buhturi wrote were almost exclusively reflective of his desert wanderings, but as soon as he became court poet, he adopted the panegyric as the main form of expression. In this style he respected, except perhaps towards the end of his life, the form of the traditional Qasida painting a conventional portrait of his various patrons. However, al-Buhturi’s panegyrics were successfully punctuated by splendid descriptions, particularly of architectural designs and picturesque details that set him apart from the rest of his contemporaries. Later in his career, he devoted an entire poem to describing a palace: “The Iwan of Kisra”. Although the ideas he expounded and the imagery he employed were generally void of originality, nevertheless, his style characterized by simple vocabulary and musical verse remain his great virtue that elevated him above the other court poets with whom he previously had to compete.
He equally excelled in Elegy but scarcely succeeded in satire often addressed to a former or prospective patron who had not fulfilled the poet’s hopes or met his expectations. According to one account, on his deathbed, the poet advised his son to destroy all his satires.
Western critics, who after all, have taken little interest in al-Buhturi, classify him among the neo-Classical poets. For their part, Eastern critics consider him along with Abu- Tammam and al-Mutanabbi, one of the most important poets of the ‘Abbasid era. The comparison between him and his master abu- Tammam is a favorite one and subject for numerous discussions and controversies even while al- Buhturi was alive. In al- Buhturi’s own opinion, his best works were inferior to those of Abu – Tammam, while he thought his own most mediocre poems to be better than the worst of Abu –Tammam.
Al-Buhturi begged ceaselessly and rejected no means of getting money. In this regard he was not unique; he actually had this in common with most of his fellow- poets. It is arguable though that he was excessive to the extent that this greed for gain destroyed his moral character and led him, on many occasions, to color his true feelings and intentions in order to accommodate the fluctuations of the religious policy of his patron the Caliph.
His success as court poet earned him severe jealousy and caused him to have many enemies from among his competitors. Naturally, it also brought him fame and consolidated his strong connections with the most prominent political and intellectual figures of the empire: viziers, governors, generals, courtiers, secretaries and scholars. His contacts also allowed him to become closely acquainted with many current political and social issues which were clearly echoed in his Diwan.
List of selected sources: This article was based on information derived from the following sources:
1 – Nawabigh al-Fikr al-‘Arabi: al-Buhturi: Dr. Ahmad Ahmad Badawi, Dar al-Ma’arif, Cairo. 1964.
2 – al-Ittijahat al-Adabiyya fi’l ‘Asr’l ‘Abbasi: Dr. Sayyed Ahmad Khalil, Dar Maktabat al-Jami’a al-‘Arabiyya. Beirut, N.D.
3 – Abu Tammam al-Tayyi: Hayatuhu wa Hayatu Shi’rihi: Najib Muhammad al – Bayhaqi, Dar al-Fikr, Second Edition, 1970.
4 – Abu Tammam wa Qadiyyt al- Tajdid fi’l Shi’r: Dr. ‘Abdo Badawi, Maktabat al-Shabab, Cairo. N.D.
5 – A Literary History of the Arabs: Reynold A. Nicholson, Cambridge University Press, 1962.
6 – Arabic Poetics in the Golden Age: Vicente Cantarino, Leiden. E. J. Brill. 1975.
7 – Journal of Arabic Literature, Leiden. E. J. Brill. 1971, Vol. II.
8 – Encyclopedia of Islam.
9 – A History of Arabic Literature: Clement Huart, London: Heinemann, 1903.
10 – Orientalism: Edward Said, Pantheon Books, New York, 1st edition, 1978.
